A WALKING CONTRADICTION, PARTLY TRUTH AND PARTLY FICTION

“Nothing in the headlines these days is more important than this,” writes Newsweek’s Kurt Eichenwald, who proceeds to argue that Donald Trump isn’t lying when he regularly spouts obvious, demonstrable falsehoods.  Instead, Eichenwald says, “The President of the United States is divorced from reality, unable to tell the difference between the truth and what he wants to be true.” 

I’m willing to entertain that hypothesis about Trump himself.  His narcissism may well have developed into full blown delusion.  But Trump’s puppet masters and enablers are lying, plain and simple.   Steve Bannon and his circle lie strategically, to sow confusion and blur the difference between truth and fiction.  Sean Spicer and Kellyanne Conway just babble incoherently, counting on the press to act like every day is Groundhog Day, letting them start over with a clean slate every day, and never figuring out they’re being conned.

Paul Ryan and the rest of the Congressional Republicans lie because they’re cowards, caught in their own web of deceit.  They spent eight years attacking President Obama and claiming that they had better solutions.  After the election, they had the chance to produce those solutions and implement them.  Guess what?  They were bluffing.  They’ve got nothing.  They’re lying liars.

As Frederick Douglass said after the Bowling Green Massacre, believe half of what you see and none of what you hear from any Republican.  They’re all crazy, dishonest, or both.     

http://www.newsweek.com/trump-difference-truth-lies-552292

Another great analysis of the Trump presidency by Fintan O’Toole in The Irish Times:  Donald Trump “is not engaged in rational politics. He is a character in a story of his own invention. And the only rules he understands are the rules of the narrative.”

https://www.irishtimes.com/news/world/us/fintan-o-toole-welcome-to-trumperica-1.2960823?utm_source=dlvr.it&utm_medium=twitter

WHEN THE TRUTH IS FOUND TO BE LIES

Donald Trump began the second week of his presidency by surprising everyone, including his own government officials, with an executive order that effectively banned Muslims (or anyone who looked like they might be Muslim) from entering the United States.  In short order, there were massive nationwide demonstrations, the courts reversed the executive order, the acting Attorney General declined to defend the EO, and Trump fired the acting Attorney General.  He accomplished all that between Friday night and Monday night. 

To divert attention from the immigration fiasco, he moved the announcement of his Supreme Court nominee up from Thursday to Tuesday, and chose Neil Gorsuch, an ultra-right jurist who joked that as a high school student he founded a group called the Fascism Forever Club.  I’m sure Steve Bannon got a kick out of that.

Later in the week, Trump insulted the Australian Prime Minister, threatened to send American troops to Mexico, omitted any reference to Jews in a statement on Holocaust Remembrance Day, and stumbled through a Black History Month speech in which he described the abolitionist Frederick Douglass as "somebody who’s done an amazing job who’s being recognized more and more." 

Then yesterday, Kellyanne Conway returned temporarily to Earth from her Alternate Universe to complain about the lack of press coverage of the “Bowling Green Massacre.”  The fact that no one can find any record of a massacre in Bowling Green only proves Conway’s point.  The press also ignored the amazing job that Frederick Douglass did in his speech at the memorial service. 

A few Republicans noted that they were “concerned” about some aspects of Trump’s behavior, but they demonstrated their “concern” in typical Republican fashion – by supporting every unqualified Trump Cabinet nominee in sight.  Needless to say, Donald Trump has not been chastened by anyone’s “concerns.”

As we await developments in week three of the new regime, it’s good to remember that chaos is a part of the Bannon-Trump strategy.  From their perspective, week two probably went pretty well.  They’re sowing confusion while they’re using executive orders to erase President Obama’s legacy.  The fact that many of those executive orders may be overturned by the courts doesn’t matter much.  The Trump base isn’t interested in such fine distinctions.

As Masha Gessen wrote in The New York Review of Books, comparing the rhetorical strategies of Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin, “Lying is the message.  It’s not just that both Putin and Trump lie, it is that they lie in the same way and for the same purpose: blatantly, to assert power over truth itself.”

I WENT DOWN TO THE DEMONSTRATION TO GET MY FAIR SHARE OF ABUSE

Tuesday afternoon, I tagged along with my wife and a friend to the Tucson office of Congresswoman Martha McSally, where we intended to leave a message asking her to hold a town hall meeting sometime in the near future.  I expected to sign in, write a message, and leave. 

Instead, when we got to the entrance of the large office building, we found ourselves at the back of a group of perhaps 40-50 demonstrators were talking at (not to) one of McSally’s staffers.  The staffer was saying predictable things, using the word “concern” a lot in an attempt to mollify the crowd.  The crowd wasn’t in a mood to be mollified.    

I’m sure they were good people, and that we’re on the same side.  Nevertheless, I felt kind of uncomfortable with the part of the interaction I saw.  I found myself identifying more with the staffer than with the crowd.  I’ve been in that guy’s shoes.  Before I retired, I was a minor league administrator at the University of Arizona, tasked among other things with fielding complaints from the public. 

I understand people’s frustrations, but haranguing a minor regional functionary about his boss 2000 miles away makes about as much sense as yelling at the airline employee at the check-in gate because your flight was cancelled.  Will the staffer tell the Congresswoman about the protest?  Certainly.  Will he offer a sympathetic summary of their issues?  Unlikely.   Just venting in these situations doesn’t make things better. 

 My advice is to save the “mad as hell and not going to take it anymore” speeches until the actual decision-makers are listening, and even then, use that approach rarely and strategically.  The speeches at rallies and protest marches are usually the weakest part of the demonstration.  People ramble, speakers repeat what others have already said, and then someone says something silly that the press might seize on to make the whole thing look bad.  Energy dissipates.

Maybe you’re thinking, “OK, so what would you have done, Mr. Smartypants?”  Fair question.  I would have selected a single spokesperson, someone who could speak calmly in this sort of situation, to summarize the group’s issues; then hand the staffer a single sheet of paper with a summary those issues; and finally thank the staffer for his time and let him get back to his work.   

I’m willing to show up to boost the crowd numbers for important events (e.g. the Women’s March and the airport protests last weekend), but the rest of the time I’m going to put my energy to other uses, which I will discuss in this space soon.

But enough about me.  If your work is carrying a sign and marching, I don’t have a problem with that.  It takes a village.  And it’s important for both of us to remember that the problem isn’t each other.  The problem is the village idiot.  

YOU MUST REMEMBER THIS

In other news, Bob Dylan will continue his assault on the Great American Songbook with a three album set of Tin Pan Alley standards called Triplicate, scheduled for release on March 31. I don’t mind Dylan recording an album or two (or even five) of cover songs, but I wish he’d try his hand at other genres. How about some blues covers, or a Hank Williams tribute album?

I also wish that the Rolling Stones had consulted me on their Blue & Lonesome project. I like “Ride ‘Em On Down,” and a handful of other songs are OK, but I could have done a better job picking material for them. Someday I’m going to write a blog post about songs I wish Dylan, the Beatles, and the Rolling Stones had recorded.  Stay tuned.

http://bobdylan.com/news/bob-dylans-first-three-disc-album-triplicate-set-for-march-31-release/

AND THE CLOCKS WERE STRIKING THIRTEEN

Donald Trump launched his presidency by pouting because he lost the popular vote to Hillary Clinton, and because the crowd for his inaugural was smaller than both of Barack Obama’s crowds.  But he has shown strength in at least one unexpected area.  He has the power to turn books into Amazon best sellers.

He lashed out at Congressman John Lewis right before the Martin Luther King holiday, and voila, Lewis’ three graphic novels quickly became Amazon’s top three sellers.  But he was just getting warmed up. 

When the press finally began using words like “false” and “lies” to describe Trump’s falsehoods and lies, Trump went ballistic.  Sean Spicer and Kellyanne Conway rallied to his defense with even more lies.  Conway even contributed a new euphemism for lies: “alternative facts.”  That’s classic Orwellian language, and guess what?  Voila again.  Suddenly George Orwell’s 1984 became Amazon’s number one best seller. 

I read 1984 in high school, back in the 1960s.  We smugly believed that the totalitarian society it described was the Soviet Union, or maybe Nazi Germany.  Certainly not the USA.  We were the good guys.  But now some of the novel’s memorable quotes strike uncomfortably close to home. 

Apart from plain old “lies,” is there a better definition of Kellyanne Conway’s “alternative facts” than this?  “Doublethink means the power of holding two contradictory beliefs in one's mind simultaneously, and accepting both of them.”

And if you sat Steve Bannon down and gave him a dose of truth serum, would you be surprised if what came out of his mouth was something like this?  “The Party seeks power entirely for its own sake. We are not interested in the good of others; we are interested solely in power, pure power…. We are different from the oligarchies of the past in that we know what we are doing…. The German Nazis and the Russian Communists came very close to us in their methods, but they never had the courage to recognize their own motives. They pretended, perhaps they even believed, that they had seized power unwillingly and for a limited time, and that just around the corner there lay a paradise where human beings would be free and equal. We are not like that. We know that no one ever seizes power with the intention of relinquishing it. Power is not a means; it is an end. One does not establish a dictatorship in order to safeguard a revolution; one makes the revolution in order to establish the dictatorship. The object of persecution is persecution. The object of torture is torture. The object of power is power. Now you begin to understand me.”

And if we let this go on?  “If you want a picture of the future, imagine a boot stamping on a human face—forever.”

Respect to the protestors at JFK, LAX, and other flashpoints.  Respect to the politicians who have denounced Trump's executive order.  Respect to the American Civil Liberties Union, which won a temporary stay of the executive order.  In other news, I've just joined the American Civil Liberties Union.

RING OF FIRE

Gwenda Bond, a writer of Young Adult Science Fiction, speaks eloquently about the struggle to do your work without turning your back on a world that seems to be on fire. 

“Our minds and hearts have room for all of it. Not comfortably--because none of this should be happening and we all know that. But it'll fit. People have survived worse. We have to make sure they never have to survive that worse again. People have not survived worse. We especially have to make sure that never happens again.” 

 http://tinyletter.com/Gwenda/letters/25-read-this-one-what-to-say-when-you-aren-t-sure-what-to-say-on-working-in-times-of-world-on-fire

A POEM FOR OUR TIMES

Randa Jarrar, a Muslim professor at Fresno State University, made a poem out of all the words Donald Trump used in his inaugural address that had never appeared before in an inaugural address.  Genius.  (Her, not him.)

Rusted, subsidized,

Urban, Islamic lady.

Solidarity in depletion,

I trapped sad trillions,

Stealing carnage to

Flush away in despair.

An unrealized infrastructure,

I bleed tombstones,

A wind-swept stolen landscape,

My sprawl unstoppable.

IT JUST MAY BE A LUNATIC YOU'RE LOOKING FOR

There’s a school of thought that believes Trump’s tweet storms are just a sideshow, intentional misdirection calculated distract the press and the public from much worse things happening elsewhere.  That theory is believable because it’s pretty much what happened during the campaign.  Trump’s tweets are indeed distracting, and there are definitely bad things happening. 

Personally, I’m coming around to the position that Trump’s tantrums are genuine, and that they’re worth paying attention to.  They do function as a smokescreen, but they’re more than that.  They’re part of his personality, a window into what seems to be Trump’s mental deterioration.  He’s always been a narcissist, and it’s possible that he’s beginning to show signs of dementia. 

We can be sure that both the Republican Party and Vladimir Putin are keeping a close eye on Trump’s mental stability, or lack thereof.  For Republicans and Russians, Trump is basically a useful idiot.  The minute that “idiot” outweighs “useful,” they’ll dump him, each in their own separate ways. 

Putin invested in Trump originally as an opportunity to introduce a disruptive element into the American electoral process.  A confused America is in Russia’s strategic interest.  Not because they aspire to world domination, as mid-century cold war propaganda had it.  They simply want to dominate their immediate neighbors, especially the nations that had been part of the old USSR and a few of their former Iron Curtain satellites.  A year ago, when the European Union was intact and there was a stable America at the head of a united NATO, Russia’s neighbors had an incentive to pursue integration with the West.  Nowadays, not so much.

I also buy the theory that Putin – like everyone else, including me – expected Hillary Clinton to win, and that his aim in giving embarrassing material to Wikileaks was simply to see how much damage he could do to her credibility when she became President.  Putin’s strategy worked just well enough to give him an early Christmas present.  Instead of a weakened Hillary Clinton in the White House, he got Donald Trump – a lazy, ignorant, and easily manipulable figurehead.  Comrade Trumpovich promptly nominated several friends of Russia for prominent leadership positions in his new regime.  Many of his high level appointees – Bannon, Lewandowski, Flynn, Tillerson, Mattis – have longstanding financial and/or philosophical ties to the Russian oligarchy.  That even includes Trump’s legal team, Morgan, Lewis & Bockius, which was named Russian Law Firm of the Year in 2016. 

After the election, Trump’s pronouncements on international relations shifted from a focus on immigration towards talk of undoing strategic alliances created over 70 years by Republican and Democratic administrations alike.  Those treaties would be replaced by a new approach that just happened to promote three of Russia’s highest priorities – weakening the European Union (and Germany in particular), breaking up NATO, and annoying China.  Quite a remarkable series of coincidences, eh? 

As long as President Trump continues to destabilize Western alliances and create discord in America, Putin will be happy.  He doesn’t care about the specifics of domestic policy, as long as they’re controversial.  And if Trump outlives his usefulness, Putin’s can simply ghost him, or start dropping hints about Russian hookers and “kompromat.”  Either would make Trump crazy.  He’d send silly tweets that would further discredit him – and us.  Win-win for the Russians.

If Republicans were honest – don’t hold your breath – they’d admit that their interest in foreign policy is more symbolic than pragmatic.  Complain loudly about Muslims, being sure to use the phrase “radical Islam.”  Threaten immigrants with deportation.  Keep talking about that wall.  It’s all red meat for the base, and talk is cheap. 

Domestic issues are what Republicans really care about, and their priorities are tax cuts for the rich and legislation that will keep women and minorities in their place.  They’re willing to let Trump take the heat on those issues.  But if his eccentric behavior continues, and/or if any of these issues blow up in their faces, all they have to do is invoke the 25th Amendment and declare that “the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office.”  Voila, Mike Pence is Acting President until Trump’s term is up. 

I fervently hope that the Democratic Party is talking to psychologists about Trump’s behavior and making contingency plans in case there’s a meltdown.  Leadership and coordinated strategy is important.  We need to be at least as prepared as the Russians and Republicans.

HE GOT WHAT HE WANTED BUT HE LOST WHAT HE HAD

In The Abolition of Man, C.S. Lewis wrote, “I am very doubtful whether history shows us one example of a man who, having stepped outside traditional morality and attained power, has used that power benevolently.”  In the New York Times on Wednesday, Frank Bruni made a similar point in an editorial chastising the Democratic opposition (collectively) for the excesses of a few individuals: some Saturday Night Live person made fun of Donald Trump’s ten year old son; Madonna said a naughty word in her Women’s March speech; a few anarchists in Washington D.C. broke windows and set fire to a limousine during the Inaugural; and some guy sucker-punched a Nazi.  Not some garden variety alt-right deplorable, but a real, Hitler-loving, Jew-hating Nazi.    

Bruni concluded his argument with these words:  “If Trump’s presidency mirrors its dangerous prelude, one of the fundamental challenges will be to respond to him, his abettors and his agenda in the most tactically prudent way and not just the most emotionally satisfying one. To rant less and organize more. To resist taunts and stick with facts. To answer invective with intelligence.  And to show, in the process, that there are two very different sets of values here, manifest in two very distinct modes of discourse. If that doesn’t happen, Trump may be victorious in more than setting newly coarse terms for our political debate. He may indeed win on many fronts, over many years.”

That argument is hard to sell to frustrated people.  Fighting fire with fire can feel good in the moment, and in the moment, it often appears to be effective.  Is it wrong to insult your opponent’s young child?  Sure.  But Rush Limbaugh insulted twelve year old Chelsea Clinton’s looks by comparing her to a dog.  Rush Limbaugh is still rich, famous, and influential (in certain unsavory quarters, at least). 

Is it counterproductive to use vulgar language in political discourse?  Sure.  But George W. Bush called a New York Times reporter a “major league asshole” on the campaign trail.  Trump supporters not only called Hillary Clinton a bitch and a cunt, but they even sold t-shirts that prominently featured those indelicate terms.  Is it wrong to assault your political opponents?  One more time – sure.  But there were numerous documented instances on the campaign trail last fall of Trump supporters attacking protestors and even members of the press.  Bush and Trump both wound up in the White House.   

It’s silly to say that dirty tactics won’t work.  They have in the past, and they surely will in the future.  But that sort of success comes with unintended consequences.  What goes around, comes around.  As Jesus said (Mark 8:36) “For what shall it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?” 

If you decide to oppose your enemy by becoming like him, you’ve not only lost, you’ve given up without a fight.  Good guys should be better than the bad guys.  Let’s be the good guys. 

(Links to Bruni’s editorial, as well as YouTube clips of the Limbaugh and George W. Bush incidents, will be posted in the comments, below.  The title of this post is the name of an obscure 1962 song by Little Richard, also linked below.)

https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/24/opinion/the-wrong-way-to-take-on-trump.html?em_pos=small&emc=edit_ty_20170125&nl=opinion-today&nl_art=1&nlid=76218355&ref=headline&te=1&_r=0

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DtUlEfuM-xU (Limbaugh)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rt86dc6EIoY  (Bush/Cheney)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7ftdZCfRYo0 (Little Richard)

 

 

WHAT A FOOL BELIEVES

Someone named Jesse James (freejessejames on Twitter) tried to insult the millions of women who marched on Saturday with this tweet:  “Just imagine if ALL these women cared as much about the homeless and Vets in this country as they do about Themselves.” 

Cha-ching, I guess, if you’re a Republican.  Right wing websites embraced this quote as if it actually made sense.  One of them even shared it with the breathless headline “Jesse James has taken down the entire Women’s March in one tweet and it just broke the internet.”

Oddly enough, my internet continues to work perfectly well, and that comment doesn’t seem to have caused any great consternation among the millions who marched Saturday, or among their many additional millions of sympathizers.  I can only conclude that the impact of James’ tweet is one of those “alternative facts” Republicans have recently discovered.

If you find yourself arguing with someone who tries to use this quote as his trump card (unavoidable pun), help them out by explaining that the argument is based on a logical fallacy known as a false dilemma.  In the first place, some homeless people in this country are women, and there are also plenty of women veterans (including, for instance, Senator Tammy Duckworth, who spoke at the Washington D.C. march).  The categories of Women, Homeless, and Vets are not mutually exclusive.

In the second place, caring about one of those cohorts does not preclude caring about the other two, or about any other subset of humanity that Mr. James might care to name.  

The Saturday marches were focused on women’s issues because our new President and the Republican controlled Congress have specifically threatened programs that are important to women – and also to men who care about women, which is why there were plenty of men who marched on Saturday.

And if you don't have time to explain all that, try this:  "Just imagine if all these Republicans cared as much about women in this country as they do about themselves."

BEEN DAZED AND CONFUSED FOR SO LONG IT'S NOT TRUE

Sean Spicer, White House Press Secretary, went on a five minute rant in a press conference Saturday about crowd size at Trump’s inauguration, telling several obvious lies in the process.  A day later, there are a few competing theories about why the Trump Administration decided to let that press conference happen.  All the theories are believable to some extent.

The most straightforward theory is that Trump felt angry and insecure and sent one of his lackeys out to lecture the press.  Given Trump’s fondness for dominating his hired help, another purpose of the event may have been to test Spicer’s willingness to abandon every shred of his dignity in the service of the Donald.  There are also rumors that Spicer was set up as part of a turf war between Steve Bannon and Reince Priebus.  In Trumplandia, any or all of those things could be true.

But my favorite theory comes from an anonymous poster at DC Urban Moms and Dads (link below).  Read the whole thing, but the main point is that Trump’s spokespeople don’t mind being obvious liars.  Their press conferences are part of a strategy of disinformation, where the main goal is to confuse rather than inform.  Their secondary goal is to demonstrate their contempt for the press – that dominance thing again – and dare them to do anything about it. 

Two 20th century authorities on totalitarianism anticipated the Trump strategy.  Hannah Arendt wrote in The Origins of Totalitarianism, “In an ever-changing and incomprehensible world the masses had reached the point where they would, at the same time, believe everything and nothing, think that everything was possible and nothing was true….  The totalitarian mass leaders based their propaganda on the correct psychological assumption that, under such conditions, one could make people believe the most fantastic statements one day, and trust that if the next day they were given irrefutable proof of their falsehood, they would take refuge in cynicism; instead of deserting the leaders who lied to them, they would protest that they had known all along that the statement was a lie, and would admire the leaders for their superior tactical cleverness.”  George Orwell, in 1984, said it more succinctly:  “The party told you to reject the evidence of your eyes and ears.  It was their final, most essential command.” 

Team Trump’s operating assumption is that about a third of the nation is already in the Orwell/Arendt zone.  They also assume that another third – the woke voters – are wise to their game.  The goal of their disinformation campaign is to overwhelm everyone else with confusion, so that sooner or later they’ll get tired of hearing arguments about real news vs. fake news and simply opt out of the political process altogether.  They’re sowing apathy and disgust as a form of vote suppression.

Their plan could work.  What the Woke-American community can do to stop it is to stay vigilant.  Our job is to notice when we see friends (or ourselves) starting to check out, and reminding them (or ourselves) not to let Trump win.  We’re getting some help from the press, both print and TV, as (for instance) Chuck Todd called out Kellyanne Conway on Meet the Press today, and the New York Times’ Sunday headline “Trump Falsely Hits Media on Turnout and Intelligence Rift.”  Would that they had been so bold in August, but better late than never.  Stay awake!

http://www.dcurbanmom.com/jforum/posts/list/105/614062.page

OH LORD, I WANT TO BE IN THAT NUMBER

So proud of everyone who marched, in Tucson, Washington DC, or wherever.  And I’m feeling 100% better today than I did on Friday.  On day 2 of his presidency, Trump managed to further piss off the CIA, and his press secretary was caught in multiple lies about – of all things – the size of the crowd for Trump’s inaugural.  Somebody’s insecurity is showing.  The icing on the cake is that the reality-based press has begun to treat Trump with skepticism, and many news outlets aren’t hesitating to label false statements for what they are.  Miles to go before we sleep, and all that, but the resistance has begun, and it’s working.

A GHOST OF A CHANCE

A GHOST OF A CHANCE:  I’m posting this on the morning of inauguration day.  A good and decent man is about to be replaced by the Lord of Misrule (hat tip to David Brooks, NYT, link below).  “Give him a chance,” Trump supporters say.  They’ve been saying it a lot, as controversies that piled up during the transition continue into his presidency. 

When people ask you to give Trump a chance, the sensible response is to ask, “A chance to do what?”  A chance to abandon traditional allies in favor of a long-time enemy?  A chance to destroy public education?  A chance to subvert democracy by making it harder for minorities to vote?  A chance to accelerate rather than reverse climate change?  A chance to ruin the lives of millions of people by taking away their health insurance? 

No thanks.  I’ll be part of the Democratic opposition.  Here’s my eleven point wish list for the Democratic Party over the next four years.

1.       Fight back on behalf of the victims of Republican policies.  In Congress, vote no when Republicans propose damaging legislation.  Voting no isn’t hard.  Republicans did it for eight straight years.  Show some discipline, for crying out loud.

2.       Let some leaders emerge.  I don’t mean presidential candidates, necessarily.  I’m just looking for a few prominent men and women who can talk sense without sounding stilted or pompous. 

3.       Don’t abandon traditional Democratic values and voters to chase Trump’s base.  It’s a lost cause in the first place, and we don’t need them in the second place.  Focus instead on winning back some of the voters who went for Obama in 2012 and Trump in 2016, especially those who live in strategic states (Wisconsin, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Florida, North Carolina).  Some of those voters are already having buyer’s remorse, and that number will increase as time passes.

4.       Similarly, work on recruiting Left-leaning anti-Clinton defectors who voted third party or sat the election out in 2016.  The “both parties are the same” crowd will soon realize their mistake, if they haven’t already.  Give them a reason to vote Democrat next time.  Don’t be afraid to be progressive.

5.       Prioritize your issues.  Figure out which of Trump’s mistakes Americans find most disturbing.  Move those issues up to the top of the list.  “This is how Trump screwed up, and this is how we’ll fix it in 2020.”   Within the bounds of Democratic principles, I want to see pragmatism, not ideology.

6.       Figure out smart ways to counteract Republican tactics.  We know what they’re going to do.  Trump will bully everyone he can, and when things aren’t going his way, he’ll say or tweet outrageous things to distract his opponents until the current controversy blows over.  The Republican Party will rely on its tried and true tactic of blaming the problems of poor white voters on minorities – Blacks, Hispanics, Muslims, LGBTQ, whichever group is the handiest scapegoat. 

7.       Figure out effective ways to counteract vote suppression, especially in battleground states.

8.       Stop over-analyzing the 2016 presidential election.  Everything mattered, from the Electoral College to Wikileaks to James Comey to the failure to campaign in Wisconsin.  It wasn’t any one of those things, not even your pet issue.  Not even my pet issue.  But if, hypothetically, you think the problem was that Hillary Clinton was a fatally flawed candidate, take heart.  She won’t be on the ballot next time.  Let that go and look for other areas to improve. 

9.       Nevertheless, Democrats need to figure out how to resist Republican attempts to Clinton-ize the next Democratic candidate, whoever it may be.  You can bet they’ll orchestrate a smear campaign.  They won’t have twenty years’ worth of slander to fall back on, but they’ll make stuff up.  They’ll fight dirty.

10.   Figure out how to attack Donald Trump’s vulnerabilities.  All those perfectly valid observations about Donald Trump’s ignorance, laziness, and deplorable personal life?  They didn’t matter in 2016, and it’s hard to imagine that they’ll matter in 2020.  The most impactful true thing you’re likely to be able to say about Donald Trump in four years is that he failed to do what he promised to do.  Make the 2020 election a change election, and paint Donald Trump as a failure.  Ask the question Ronald Reagan asked about Jimmy Carter in 1980:  Are you better off than you were four years ago? 

https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/17/opinion/the-lord-of-misrule.html?em_pos=small&emc=edit_ty_20170117&nl=opinion-today&nl_art=1&nlid=76218355&ref=headline&te=1

THERE ARE STRANGE THINGS HAPPENING EVERY DAY

Howdy, folks, and welcome to my blog.  I’ve been wanting to start a blog for at least fifteen years.  My original plan, back at the turn of the century, was to use the space to talk about music I like.  And I still expect to write about music, books, and films. 

But it was politics, and specifically the ongoing American tragedy that Donald Trump represents, that finally pushed me over the edge and into blogging.  You can expect politics to dominate this space for the foreseeable future. 

I’m a center-left Democrat because I believe I have a responsibility to help other people; and I believe that – for all their flaws – Democrats are the last, best chance we have to save the American social safety net.  At this time last year, I was a Bernie Sanders supporter, but I switched my allegiance to Hillary Clinton when she won the nomination.  I spent the summer and fall posting arguments in favor of Clinton and in opposition to Trump (plus Jill Stein and Gary Johnson) on Facebook.  That wasn’t much, but it was the most active politicking I’d ever done in my life. 

My minuscule contributions were obviously not enough to help Hillary Clinton win the election, but I felt good about making the effort.  Since the election, I’ve continued to post longish opinion pieces on Facebook.  I’m gratified that some of my FB friends have responded favorably to what I’ve written.  I appreciate that support, and the likes, shares, and comments.  I don’t intend to abandon Facebook.  Most, if not all, of the entries I post here will appear on Facebook, with a link to this page, which will serve as an archive of what I’ve written.

As pretentious as it may sound, I want to be small part of the Democratic resistance movement.  My goal is to help Democrats regain control of the presidency and both Houses of Congress, as well as capturing governorships and state legislatures.  

Moving right along, the name of the website comes from a song by the great Sister Rosetta Tharpe, “Strange Things Happening Every Day,” a big gospel/R&B hit in 1944-45.  It’s worth a listen, so here’s a YouTube link:  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LzqGq6jiorg

The graphic I’m using comes from Alex Schomburg’s endpaper illustration in the Winston Science Fiction series of young adult books back in the 1950s.  My friend Gina Fischer personalized it for me a couple of years ago.

I’ve pre-loaded a few earlier pieces so there’ll be content on the blog now that it’s live.  Some of them were originally posted on my friend Dan Wilson’s blog, “This Just In.”  Other things I’ve written can be found on This Just in by using the search box at https://thisjustin.wordpress.com/.  I thank Dan for giving me my first opportunity to write online in long form.  I don’t know how many people read them, but that wasn’t the point for me.  Creating that content allowed me to believe that I might just be able to pull this blogging thing off.

I don’t know how often I’ll be posting, but I hope it’s at least once or twice each week.  Time will tell, and the future lies ahead. 

In the meantime, thanks for stopping by.

OB LA DI, OB LA DA, LIFE GOES ON

Unless it doesn’t.  And for thousands of Americans every year, life won’t go on, if Republicans succeed at repealing Obamacare/ACA.  They clearly have no viable plan to replace Obamacare, and what’s worse, they don’t want to replace it.  All that is par for the course, more or less what they said they’d do when they got the opportunity. 

But even though they made no secret of their hatred for Obamacare, I’ve still been surprised at how much Republicans seem to relish the process of destroying the Affordable Care Act, and as much other social progress as possible while they control the levers of power.  Republicans are just plain mean. 

That same sick glee has characterized everything Republicans have done since the election, all the way from Trump, Ryan and McConnell at the top, down through local yokels at the state and county levels.  Trump appoints manifestly corrupt and/or incompetent people to senior Cabinet positions.  Further down the food chain, minor functionaries threaten members of the press and government officials for perceived slights against the Dear Leader, propose legislation that would make it legal to “accidentally” use your car to run over anti-Trump protestors (in North Dakota), and proclaim that it’s OK to pinch women’s crotches as a way of settling political arguments (in Connecticut).  

During the election campaign, some Republicans at least pretended to be outraged by Trump’s personal behavior.  In October, Utah Congressman Jason Chaffetz said he couldn’t look his 15 year old daughter in the eye if he supported Trump.  Apparently he’s decided that avoiding his daughter’s gaze for the next four years is doable, because now he’s not only supporting Trump, but threatening the Director of the Office of Government Ethics for daring to look into the Russian election tampering.

And speaking of Russia, it wasn’t that long ago when Republicans loudly and proudly hated Russia.  They’d have been apoplectic if a President had lavished praise on a Russian dictator.  It’s both amusing and disconcerting to watch them shrug as Donald Trump embraces Vladimir Putin and trashes NATO.   For the GOP, Trump trumps everything.  He’s like heroin to Republicans.  They’ll turn their back on every principle they’ve ever had in order to get more of him.  As that Connecticut crotch-grabber said:  “I love this new world.  I no longer have to be politically correct.”

That’s Trump’s true gift to Republicans.  They no longer have to pretend to be decent human beings.  Trump has given them permission to be racist, sexist, and corrupt, which is apparently what they’ve wanted all along.

Now we see the Republican id on full display.  They’re acting like teenagers, so full of raging hormones that they can’t think straight.  And they’re making strategic blunders.   If Republicans were smart, they’d move a little slower, making a show of being calm and judicious as they do their dirty work.   Instead, they’re overplaying their hand, and they look petty and vindictive rather than statesmanlike.  It’ll come back to haunt them.

As I keep repeating, Trump lost the popular vote, and in the two months since the election, he’s been losing, rather than gaining support in the polls.  The pre-Peegate polls show his popularity at somewhere between 37%-44%.  That’s the lowest level of support the public opinion polls have ever measured for an incoming President. 

Ominously for Republicans in Congress, voters are finally beginning to grasp the implications of trashing Obamacare.  In Aurora, CO, last week, Republican Congressman Mike Coffman was so spooked when a large and skeptical crowd at his town hall meeting insisted on asking about his plan for replacing Obamacare that he left early, ducking ignominiously out of a side door.

On Saturday, just in time for the MLK holiday weekend, Trump insulted Congressman John Lewis, hero of the civil rights movement.  The blowback included a huge upsurge of interest in Lewis’ three graphic novels on the history of the Civil Rights movement, pushing them to the top three positions on Amazon’s best seller list.

And Monday brought word that Monica Crowley, Fox commentator and Trump’s choice for the position of senior director of Strategic Communications for the National Security Council, has withdrawn in the wake of multiple credible accusations of plagiarism in her published work.  When CNN broke the story, Trump’s people were defiant, portraying Crowley’s critics as liberal culture warriors and saying they wouldn’t back down.  And then they backed down.

Those are victories.  There will be more, along with inevitable setbacks.  As Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., said, "If you can't fly then run. If you can't run then walk. If you can't walk then crawl...whatever you do you have to keep moving forward"

THOSE OLDIES BUT GOODIES REMIND ME

The New York Times has reported that nearly 70% of Republicans think America was better in the 1950s than it is today.  I know a little bit about the Fifties, having lived through the decade.   

I was born in 1947, so I experienced the Fifties as a kid.  I was largely oblivious to the decade’s worst aspects, like the Korean War, MCarthyism, and the casual racism and sexism of the era.  I cared about comic books, baseball cards, and candy bars.  The Cold War economy kept my father employed throughout the decade, and the modest allowance he gave me meant that I could indulge in those luxuries.  Even better, the Fifties gave us television and rock & roll.  As William Wordsworth wrote about a different place and time, “Bliss it was in that dawn to be alive, but to be young was very heaven!”

In other words, the Fifties was a pretty good decade – as long as you were white, and especially if you were a guy.  If you were a minority or a woman, to say nothing of being disabled, gay or lesbian, maybe things weren’t quite so great back then.  And I think that’s precisely the point for those Republicans who want to set the Wayback Machine for the Eisenhower era.  As Gore Vidal once said, “It is not enough to succeed.  Others must fail.” 

But you can’t outrun your insecurities, even with a time machine.  Even if Republicans could go back to the Fifties, when men were men and non-whites (and non-men) knew their place, they’d encounter other threats to their ego.  As evidence, I offer Atlas Shrugged, the Ayn Rand novel published in 1957, and which resonates strongly with a lot of Republicans.  

(I can’t resist quoting TV writer John Rogers:  “There are two novels that can change a bookish fourteen-year old’s life:  Lord Of The Rings and Atlas Shrugged.  One is a childish fantasy that often engenders a lifelong obsession with its unbelievable heroes, leading to an emotionally stunted, socially crippled adulthood, unable to deal with the real world.  The other, of course, involves orcs."  The one that involves orcs was published in 1954.  What a decade!)

In Rand’s make-believe world, success comes to those who are strong and self-reliant.  As Mother Jones writer Kevin Drum noted, “A fair number of men share the fantasy that … they’ve been held back by rules and regulations designed to help the weak, and in a libertarian culture their talents would be obvious and they’d naturally rise to positions of power and influence.”  Change “weak” to “women and minorities,” and “libertarian” to “Republican,” and that sentence describes much of Donald Trump’s appeal to white male voters.

The Fifties, even with a two-term Republican war hero in the White House and patriarchy-affirming TV shows like Father Knows Best and Gunsmoke dominating the TV ratings, still weren’t good enough for Ayn Rand, who blamed government for penalizing the Makers and rewarding the Takers.  Maybe Republicans would be better off skipping the 1950s and setting their Wayback Machine to the 1850s.

Resentment of change coupled with nostalgia for a more innocent time are perennial human responses to stress.  In 1913, Popular Science Monthly quoted an inscription (almost certainly apocryphal) which they claimed was from ancient Chaldea, dated 3800 BCE:  “We have fallen upon evil times and the world has waxed very old and wicked. Politics are very corrupt. Children are no longer respectful to their parents.” 

Same as it ever was, whether the quote is 5800 years old or only 103.

The 1913 article went on to say that “This old and ever-recurring complaint does not depend upon any actual deterioration of the times, for the times are constantly growing better. It comes usually from older people whose outlook may be biased by subjective conditions due to decaying powers and by the tendency to regard all changes as changes for the worse, the only really good times being the bright days of our own youth.”  That sounds about right.

And that brings me to an internet quiz I took recently.  It was sponsored by PBS and went online last spring, months before the election.  They called it their “Do You Live in a Bubble” quiz.  It had 25 questions, based on Charles Murray’s 2012 book “Coming Apart: The State of White America 1960-2010.”  The questions purport to determine how disconnected you are from the “average white American.” 

Of course, average white Americans don’t watch PBS or take PBS internet quizzes, so the aggregate results are skewed towards disconnect.  Scoring ranged from 0-100, and the lower your score, the more disconnected you were.   PBS has logged over 120,000 responses, and the average score is 42.  I’ll reveal my score in a minute. 

I haven’t read Murray’s book, and the fact that it comes highly recommended by National Review is a red flag.  But what I take to be Murray’s thesis – that the cultural gulf between upper and lower class white America has grown to the point of becoming adversarial – is believable enough.    

Nevertheless, I was put off by the term “bubble.”  It glorifies the “average white American” by suggesting that they’re somehow more American than everyone else, and patronizes them at the same time, feeding their resentment of everyone who’s not like them.   Disconnection is a two way street.  Maybe it’s the average white Americans who are in a bubble. 

Would it be good to understand them better?  Sure.  Everybody needs to understand everyone else better.  Connection is good.  But becoming like them is not the best way to establish that connection.  We don’t need more smokers, more people whose education stops with high school, or more couch potatoes whose main activity is watching television.  Those are problems we need to solve, not behaviors we should emulate.  And who wants to be average, anyway?

My score on the quiz was 30, which according to PBS pegged me as “a first generation upper middle class person with middle class parents.”  They got “first generation upper middle class” right, but my parents were working class.  If I’d taken the quiz when I was in high school, I’d have had a much higher score. 

But here’s the thing.  I don’t want a higher score.  When I was a kid, my parents’ generation used to insist that they worked hard so that their kids could have a better life, with more opportunities than they had.  They believed, correctly, that education was the key to those opportunities.  To their everlasting credit, they willingly paid taxes to fund public education for my generation, from kindergarten all the way up through college.

But what some of them apparently didn’t realize was that sometimes those better lives would turn out to be different lives, in different places, with different priorities and maybe even different values.  Education will do that to you.  That’s why a lot of Republicans are committed to destroying public education.  Ignorance is their key to turning back the clock to some mythical golden age.

The “get off my lawn” generation would rather blame immigrants than microchips for the social changes they hate, but whether they like it or not, advances in technology generate waves of social disruption.  You can’t have one without the other.  And if they were honest, I doubt that many of my fellow baby boomers would be willing to give up the advances in medicine that have allowed them to live longer lives, or the advances in technology that have made their lives more comfortable and interesting.   

The “Fight the Future” party will use its minority presidency to erect some roadblocks to progress in America over the next few years, but progress will continue elsewhere.  Even here at home, the children and grandchildren of the grumpy old men who elected Donald Trump have no interest in going back to the Fifties.  They’re looking forward, not backward. 

My motto for 2017 is:  “This, too, shall pass.” Democrats were reminded of the truth of that maxim on election day last November.  Republicans will learn it soon enough.  In the meantime, the rest of us have a responsibility to do our best to minimize the damage until we can take back the government and begin making progress once more.

BOY IN THE BUBBLE

My wife and I saw the film Loving on New Year’s Day.   It’s about Richard and Mildred Loving, the Virginia couple whose lawsuit led the Supreme Court in 1967 to overturn state laws against interracial marriage.  I’d heard of the case, and I just assumed that they were educated urban professionals with a substantial support network encouraging them to be a test case and make legal history.  Nope.  They were poor, and 100% country.  They tried living in Washington, D.C., and couldn’t take it, opting to move back to Virginia and risk jail rather than remain in the city.  Even though I knew they’d win their court case, I thought they were crazy to go back.

My initial assumptions about the Lovings, as well as my reaction to their decision to return to Virginia, are examples of a mindset that could be described as a bubble.  That’s the metaphor that PBS used and which I wrote about extensively in a post on January 2.  That post generated more comments than anything else I’ve written, and after considering that feedback, I have some additional thoughts which I’ll share here.

I don’t know (and don’t really care) whether the PBS poll is valid, in the sense that it accurately measures what it purports to measure.  I object to the poll’s basic premise, which was that “average white Americans” are somehow the most genuine Americans, and everyone else lives in a bubble of snobbery, divorced from the reality of the American experience.  I may or may not be a snob, but I’m as genuine an American as any Trump voter.

Still, I’m willing to work with the bubble metaphor as long as a few things are understood.  First, everyone lives in a bubble of some kind.  Next, everyone is at least a little dubious about people outside their bubble, and the further outside it others are, the more dubious most of us get.  Third, there is no such thing as a single genuine American experience.  And finally, we’re all divorced from reality in one way or another, in the sense that none of us can experience all aspects of reality – on account of that pesky bubble we’re living in. 

My first bubble was my mother’s womb.  Then it was my immediate family, and then my extended family and neighbors.  When I went to school, my bubble changed, and kept changing – expanding in some areas and contracting in others – as I moved from one neighborhood to another, and from one school to the next, on into high school, college, and grad school. 

No one would have predicted my educational trajectory when I started school.  My family was strictly blue collar.  My mother and my father grew up in different parts of rural Kansas, and both moved to the big city (Wichita, population c. 100,000 at the time) to find work during the Depression.  Their hope for me was that I’d graduate from high school and then get a job on the assembly line at one of the three aircraft factories in my home town.  That’s what success looked like for someone like me in the early Fifties.

I credit the Russians for giving me an opportunity for a different life.  I have that in common with Donald Trump, although the Russian intervention on behalf of Trump in 2016 was deliberate, whereas back in 1947, they didn’t even know I was alive.  Probably still don’t. 

It happened like this.  When the Soviet Union unexpectedly took the lead in the space race by launching Sputnik in 1957, the American educational community panicked.  In their search for future scientists and engineers, and they were desperate enough to notice a shy, chubby kid in Wichita, Kansas, and conclude that he wasn’t as dumb as he looked.  They put me in classes with other smart kids.  Suddenly school was fun, and that changed my life.  It helped determine who my friends were, which jobs I took, the places I lived, the woman I married, the way I looked at the world, and all the rest of the components of the life I’ve led since then.

In other words, Sputnik played a key role in determining the particular bubble I live in.  I’m happy with that bubble.  But I recognize it as a bubble.  I think that’s important. 

My guess is that most of the world’s 7 billion people believe that the life they were born into is “normal,’ and anyone who lives differently is at least weird, and maybe even evil.  At its worst, that attitude is what sustains groups like ISIS and the Ku Klux Klan.  But any brand of religious or political fundamentalism is a manifestation of a similar instinct.  It played a prominent role in the 2016 presidential election.

At the conclusion of each presidential election, it used to be customary for the winner to at least pretend to be magnanimous in victory and to pledge to try to work with the other side for the common good.  Magnanimity isn’t a part of Donald Trump’s makeup, and the Republican Party abandoned bipartisanship sometime in the previous century.  Naturally, Democrats (including me) are pissed off, and we’re tempted to fight fire with fire.

Instead of looking for common ground, both sides are engaged in a relentless search for evidence of the differences between US and THEM, the better to demonize THEM.  Instead of expanding our bubbles to detoxify our differences, we’re contracting them and making the walls thicker.  There’s no happy ending on that road.

This should be the point at which I offer a clever way to resolve that conundrum.  I wish I had one.  

I do believe that it’s important to recognize that not all bubbles are created equal.  Some genuinely bad people will soon be in charge of this country.  They’re not bad because their bubble is different than mine.  They’re bad because they’re pursuing policies that will hurt people.  There are millions of vulnerable people whose lives will be ruined if Republicans keep their promise to dismantle the social safety net that this country has been building since at least 1933. 

America’s social safety net isn’t perfect by any means.  Many other countries do it better.  But even with all its flaws, our social safety net represents an acknowledgement that we have a collective responsibility to all of our fellow Americans, not just the ones in our particular bubble.  Our willingness to help others is the thing that makes us a civilized nation – not our wealth, not our military power, not even all our entertainment options. 

I have a Twitter account.  (Don’t bother following me, because I’ve never tweeted and don’t plan to start.  I got the account last year so I could read some political analysis of the presidential election.)  Last week I saw a thread in which a Republican invoked Psalm 139 to justify hating his enemies.  Psalm 139 is about the omnipresence of God, as in verse 8: “If I ascend up into heaven, thou art there: if I make my bed in hell, behold, thou art there.”

But the Psalmist – presumably the guy with the secret chord that pleased the Lord – ups the ante in verses 21-22:  “Do I not hate them, O Lord, that hate thee? And am not I grieved with those that rise up against thee?  I hate them with perfect hatred: I count them mine enemies.” 

Those lines are great for Republicans who love to cherry pick Bible verses that reinforce their personal prejudices.  But if they’d kept reading, they might have noticed that the concluding verses of the Psalm make it clear that David’s main concern is less about hating enemies of the Lord than about not becoming one himself.  Verses 23-24:  “Search me, O God, and know my heart: try me, and know my thoughts: and see if there be any wicked way in me, and lead me in the way everlasting.”

I believe that I have a moral obligation to support policies that help people in need, and to oppose policies that hurt them.  But I also feel a moral obligation to avoid fighting fire with fire.  I can’t preserve civilization by becoming a barbarian.  In his Sermon on the Mount, Jesus says this (Matthew 5:43-44):  “Ye have heard that it hath been said, ‘Thou shalt love thy neighbor, and hate thine enemy.’  But I say unto you, Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you, and persecute you.” 

That’s a tall order, obviously.  Fortunately, Jesus isn’t telling us to become like our enemies or to ignore their misdeeds.  He’s telling us to love them in spite of themselves.  That’s something I’m willing to work on while I’m trying to stop them from wrecking the country.

I draw inspiration from the example of Richard and Mildred Loving - two seemingly unremarkable people who had a profound impact on history fifty years ago.  They weren't trying to change the world, but they did anyway, simply by persisting in doing what they thought was right.  If enough of us follow their example, we can change history too.

Loving Thy Neighbor As Thyself

Arizona is a state where most of the population is from somewhere else.  That includes me.  When I moved to Tucson from Kansas in 1973 to go to graduate school, the state’s population had just topped 2 million.  Forty-plus years later, we’re closing in on 7 million, and most of that growth has come from immigrants like me.

I’ve been wondering lately whether the transient nature of Arizona’s population is responsible for some of our mean-spirited politics.  If you’re living here, but your real “home” is somewhere else, maybe you’re a little less invested in your new community.  If your family and your roots are in California or Ohio, maybe you’re unenthusiastic about helping to pay for public health and education in this new place that’s so unlike “home.” 

This has been on my mind lately because Arizona has a new governor (born in Ohio), and judging from his proposed budget, he’s even more hostile to higher education than was his predecessor.  I should probably note that I’m a recently retired employee of the University of Arizona, so I have an interest in that institution’s success.  And in ASU’s and NAU’s as well – this isn’t about rooting for the Wildcats.  I agree with Robert Reich, who has written that “A decent society wouldn’t push millions of students into debt.  It would recognize that higher education isn’t mainly a personal investment; it is a public good.” 

I worry that the very concept of “public good” has largely fallen by the wayside in Arizona and the United States.   Any politician who campaigned on the platform of building a decent society would likely be the object of ridicule.  I find this trend pretty dispiriting, although I assume that sooner or later the pendulum will begin its inevitable swing in the opposite direction. 

I take some comfort in the fact that most major religions – including the two that I know most about, Christianity and Buddhism – admonish their adherents to take care of one another.  That advice wouldn’t be necessary if it was happening routinely.  Jesus and Buddha both knew that “loving thy neighbor” was unnatural.

Like most Americans, I don’t know many of my neighbors.  The family next door is terrific.  Paulo is from Italy, and his wife Anna is from Guadalajara.  They have two adorable kids, and they’re both great cooks.  Across the street, it’s a different story.  That house is rented by a shifting cast of college students who occasionally throw large parties.  Naturally I have warm feelings towards the neighbors next door, and I occasionally find myself annoyed by the neighbors across the street. 

And that brings me to the Jesus’ Parable of the Good Samaritan, which is found in the Gospel of Luke.  At this point in Luke’s narrative of Jesus’ ministry, he’d begun to make enemies.  His adversaries would plant their best debaters in the crowd when Jesus spoke, trying to either catch him in a contradiction, or trick him into saying something that would get him in trouble with the Roman authorities. 

On this occasion, Jesus had been preaching on “love thy neighbor,” and one of his adversaries in the crowd spoke up and said, basically, “OK, loving my neighbor sounds good, but who is my neighbor?  The folks next door are pretty nice, but that crazy family at the end of the street, who always have a couple of old chariots up on blocks in the front yard, and throw wild parties every weekend?  Surely I’m not expected to love them?”

That’s a paraphrase, obviously.  Maybe Dan can spare enough pixels to reprint the verses here, from the King James translation of Luke 10: 25-37.

25 And, behold, a certain lawyer stood up, and tempted him [Jesus], saying, Master, what shall I do to inherit eternal life?

26 He [Jesus] said unto him, What is written in the law? how readest thou?

27 And he [the lawyer] answering said, Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy strength, and with all thy mind; and thy neighbour as thyself.

28 And he [Jesus]  said unto him, Thou hast answered right: this do, and thou shalt live.

29 But he [the lawyer], willing to justify himself, said unto Jesus, And who is my neighbour?

30 And Jesus answering said, A certain man went down from Jerusalem to Jericho, and fell among thieves, which stripped him of his raiment, and wounded him, and departed, leaving him half dead.

31 And by chance there came down a certain priest that way: and when he saw him, he passed by on the other side.

32 And likewise a Levite, when he was at the place, came and looked on him, and passed by on the other side.

33 But a certain Samaritan, as he journeyed, came where he was: and when he saw him, he had compassion on him,

34 And went to him, and bound up his wounds, pouring in oil and wine, and set him on his own beast, and brought him to an inn, and took care of him.

35 And on the morrow when he departed, he took out two pence, and gave them to the host, and said unto him, Take care of him; and whatsoever thou spendest more, when I come again, I will repay thee.

36 Which now of these three, thinkest thou, was neighbour unto him that fell among the thieves?

37 And he [the lawyer] said, He that shewed mercy on him. Then said Jesus unto him, Go, and do thou likewise.

Reading the story today, Jesus’ question about who was more neighborly provokes kind of a “DUH” response, right?  Come on, this is not a hard question!  OF COURSE, the guy who came to the aid of the traveler was more neighborly than the two men who passed him by. 

So then what’s the point of the parable?  In order to understand the parable the way Jesus’ audience heard it, we have to know what a Samaritan is, or was. 

The earlybooks of the Old Testament chronicle the rivalries between the Twelve Tribes.  The warring tribes were united for a time under the strong kingships of David and Solomon, but after Solomon’s death, things came apart.  Solomon’s line continued to rule the southern Kingdom of Judah, while the northern Kingdom of Israel went its own way.  The capital of the northern kingdom of Israel was Samaria, and its people were called Samaritans.  Since the Old Testament was written from the perspective of the Southern tribes, the Northerner Israelites were described as the bad guys.

To make things even more complicated, in about 772 BC, the Kingdom of Israel was conquered by Assyria, and the Assyrians moved some Israelites out and replaced them with ethnic groups from other parts of their empire to pacify the area.   Today, we’d call it an ethnic cleansing campaign.

Over the next seven centuries, the people of Samaria evolved a kind of an alternate universe version of Judaism.  They had a sacred mountain, Mount Gerizim.  They had Ten Commandments, but they weren’t exactly the same as the Ten Commandments of Moses. 

By the time of Jesus, Jews and Samaritans hated each other.  From the Jewish perspective, Samaritans were more than just foreigners – they were also heretics.  And the road between Jerusalem, which was the capital of the Kingdom of Judah in the south, to Jericho just across the border in the northern Kingdom, was notoriously dangerous – narrow and winding, with plenty of places for robbers to wait in ambush for unwary travelers. 

So that’s the context for the Parable of The Good Samaritan.  In the 21st century United States, it would be like saying a man was robbed and left for dead, and a priest and a prominent member of the church’s governing board both passed him by, but a member of Al Qaeda stopped to help him. 

And Jesus said you not only have to love this Al Qaeda guy, but you have to love him “as yourself.”  Not just admire him grudgingly for helping the victim, but love him as though he were YOU.  What’s up with that?  As I consider that question, it helps me to look at some parallels between the teachings of Jesus and the teachings of the Buddha.

Maybe you heard, a few years ago when the Dalai Lama was in the United States, a newscaster trying to joke with His Holiness, about the Dalai Lama ordering a hot dog, and saying “Give me one with everything.”  The Dalai Lama was trying to be a good sport, but he clearly didn’t get the joke. 

That attempt at humor was based on a common misunderstanding – the idea that Tibetan Buddhism believes we are “one with everything.”  Not at all.  Instead, the Tibetan Buddhist world view is that everything in your world comes from you, from the karmic seeds you’ve planted in the past by the way you’ve treated others. 

And that’s why it’s important to love thy neighbor – even the obnoxious ones – as thyself.  Because if you respond to obnoxious people with anger, you’re only planting the seeds for more obnoxious people in your world in the future.  If, instead, we can manage to deal with an unpleasant person mindfully, understanding that we’re creating our future by how we act in the present, we can maybe make some attempt to treat the unpleasant person with love. 

Love, in this context, doesn’t mean approving of their actions, and certainly not helping them hurt others.  Instead, it means doing what Jesus said elsewhere:  Luke 6:31:  “And as ye would that men should do to you, do ye also to them likewise.”

If I went temporarily crazy and started hurting people, I’d want someone to stop me.  That doesn’t mean I’d want them to shoot me dead – just to use the minimum amount of force necessary to restrain me until I came to my senses.

Similarly, if you had a child, and he was throwing a tantrum and endangering himself as well as others, you wouldn’t grab a baseball bat and try to break his head open.  You’d try to get him in a bear hug or something, and hold him – lovingly but firmly – until he calmed down.

What Jesus and the Buddha are trying to teach us, is that if we want eternal life – remember, that was the first question the lawyer asked, which prompted the Parable of the Good Samaritan – we have to act towards others as though we’re giving them lessons in how to treat us.  We have to respond with love, even when the circumstances aren’t very conducive to love.

If I were to be completely honest, I’d admit that it’s hard for me to treat even the people I love that mindfully.  When Christmas rolls around, I have a tendency to give gifts that I would like, or that I think the other person SHOULD like.  It’s much harder for me to actually put myself in their place and ask “what do they really need from me?” 

And so the Parable of the Good Samaritan turns out to be not simple at all.  Putting its lesson into practice is hard work.  But it strikes me that Jesus and the Buddha are both saying that the ball’s in my court.  I need to drop my self-righteous attitude and try to cultivate some compassion for the politicians (and those who elect them) who strike me as crazy and dangerous.  Not to support them, certainly, but instead to resist them mindfully rather than simply dismissing them as venal morons. 

The path to building a decent society, in other words, has to start with me.  Am I up to that task?  The jury is still out.

 

Chasing the Scream: The Persecution and Assassination of Billie Holiday

Billie Holiday has been dead for over fifty years now.  If you’re over thirty, you’ve probably heard of her, although I imagine that fewer and fewer people listen to her music.  For the record, she was a jazz singer – one of the best.  She was also one of the first victims of the war on drugs.  Not just a victim of drugs, but of the war on drugs.  Johann Hari tells that story in the first part of his fascinating new book, Chasing the Scream:  The First and Last Days of the War on Drugs

It’s clear to anyone paying attention that American drug policy is a dysfunctional blend of Puritanism, racism, and hypocrisy.  But what I learned from Chasing the Scream is that this state of affairs has been the same for nearly a century, and that the war on drugs was corrupt and cynical from its inception.  It was President Richard Nixon who coined the phrase “War on Drugs” in 1971, but the war actually began in the 1930s, when two men who were on opposite sides of the law discovered that they both had vested interests in making sure that that drug addiction was viewed as a criminal problem rather than a health problem.

Harry Anslinger was an ambitious government agent who harassed rum runners during the Prohibition Era.  In 1930, he left the Bureau of Prohibition to head up the new Federal Bureau of Narcotics.  Then as now, government attempts to prevent the use of illegal intoxicants were both ineffective and rife with corruption, and when the Prohibition Amendment was repealed in 1933, public support for the work of Anslinger’s agency was ebbing.

But Anslinger wanted to keep his job, and he had an ace up his sleeve.  He played the race card.  He proclaimed that marijuana made black people crazy, and led them to rape white women.  As clearly insane and racist as that argument seems now, in the 1930s it resonated with many politicians and their constituencies.  It’s been obvious for a long time that the war on drugs has been waged disproportionately against people of color.  Now we know why.  It was designed to work that way from the very beginning.

But every cloud has a silver lining for someone, and the bureaucrats at Federal Bureau of Narcotics weren’t the only ones to breathe a sigh of relief when drugs were criminalized.  Organized crime had lost an important revenue stream when Prohibition was repealed in 1933.  Enter Arnold Rothstein, the first mob kingpin to understand that there was big money to be made in selling drugs – but only if those drugs were illegal.  At the beginning of the 20th century, doctors could prescribe heroin, and cocaine was famously an ingredient in Coca Cola.  All that changed in the ‘30s.  Thanks to Harry Anslinger’s efforts, narcotics replaced bootleg whiskey as the mob’s cash cow.

Anslinger held onto power until 1962, spreading misinformation about drugs, attempting to wreck the careers of physicians and scientists who dared to disagree with him, and waging merciless war on addicts and low level suppliers, who were much easier targets than powerful mobsters like Arnold Rothstein and his successors. 

Arizonans have a particularly clear window into Anslinger’s operating methods because we’re living in the shadow of one of his protégés – Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio.  Anslinger hired Arpaio as a special agent in 1957, and one of the chapters in Chasing the Scream covers Arpaio’s brutal treatment of addicts (who are mostly people of color) in the Phoenix area.  Like his mentor, Sheriff Joe isn’t interested in rehabilitating addicts.  He’s interested in making them suffer.

And that brings us back to Billie Holiday, who was one of Anslinger’s early targets.  Holiday had a hard life.  Her mother was a prostitute, and Holiday was dragged into that life when she was 13.  But she loved jazz, and she had a unique sound.  She was “discovered” (by John Hammond, the same guy who signed Bob Dylan, Aretha Franklin, and Bruce Springsteen to their first recording contracts) and became one of the most influential singers of the 20th century.  The Post Office even put her face on a postage stamp in 1994 – a few decades after the government hounded her to her death.

Holiday’s childhood traumas scarred her, and life as a musician on the road in the 1930s wasn’t exactly easy for a black woman.  She began drinking, and by the 1940s, she had begun to use heroin.  But the thing that attracted Harry Anslinger’s attention was her 1939 recording of “Strange Fruit,” an anti-lynching song. 

Anslinger didn’t like black people, and he didn’t like jazz.  He thought it “sounded like the jungle in the dead of night,” and that jazz musicians “reeked of filth.”  He became obsessed with Holiday, and assigned a black agent named Jimmy Fletcher to follow her.  It wasn’t hard for Fletcher to set up a bust.  And then another.  At her second trial, she asked to be sent to a rehabilitation facility.  Instead she spent a year doing hard time in a West Virginia prison. 

When she got out, Holiday was a convicted felon, and couldn’t work in places where alcohol was sold – which was pretty much every night club in the country.  But Anslinger wasn’t through with her yet.

Jimmy Fletcher had begun to feel sorry for Holiday, so Anslinger turned to George White, an agent with fewer scruples.  White caught up with Holiday in San Francisco, and sure enough, it wasn’t long before police found opium in her apartment.   Holiday claimed to have been drug-free for over a year, and checked herself into a clinic, where she showed no symptoms of withdrawal.   A jury found her not guilty, but by this time, she was broke and broken.  Her drinking got worse, and she began using heroin again.

When she returned to New York, Anslinger’s men had her hospitalized and placed guards around her room to keep her friends away.  When a doctor tried methadone and it seemed to be helping, Anslinger saw to it her methadone was cut off.  She died in 1959, at the age of 44.  Harry Anslinger’s reaction? “No more ‘Good Morning Heartache.’”

Maybe Holiday’s demons would have overtaken her without Anslinger’s assistance.  The details of her death interest me because I’m a fan of her music, but otherwise she’s just one of a million victims of the war on drugs.  Fifty years later, the war drags on, and casualties are everywhere, from Joe Arpaio’s inhumane tent cities in Maricopa County to Ciudad Juarez across the border, where the brutal Zeta drug cartel leaves corpses hanging from bridges to terrify people on general principles. 

So far, so depressing.  But Chasing the Scream comes bearing good news too.  The war on marijuana is almost over.  (Spoiler alert:  marijuana is winning.)  And it turns out that even fearsome drugs like heroin and cocaine aren’t quite as powerful as anti-drug propaganda would have us believe.  Both animal and human studies confirm that addiction derives much of its power from the psychological state of the user.

Animals like elephants and water buffalo have access to psychoactive plants in their native environment.  They avoid them under normal circumstances, but when disaster strikes – habitat destruction or the loss of a mate – they often get high to distract themselves from grief.  A lab rat isolated in a cage will keep going back to whatever drug he’s being offered.  When that same rat is reintroduced into rat society, he’ll stop using the drug, even when it continues to be available.

People, it turns out, aren’t much different than rats when it comes to addiction.  Maybe you’re old enough to remember the epidemic of heroin use among American soldiers in Vietnam.  Pundits issued dire warnings that these soldiers would bring their habits back to the States with them, and all hell would break loose.  Instead, when those heroin users returned to the safety and comfort of home, the vast majority of them stopped using and just got on with their lives.    

Humans are social creatures, and outbreaks of addictive behavior occur predictably when there’s a rupture in the social fabric.  Native Americans turned to alcohol when they were herded onto reservations.  The Industrial Revolution drove the English poor from the countryside into cities, and into the gin mill slums.  When manufacturing jobs began to disappear in America’s urban centers at the end of the 20th century, crack was waiting to ease the pain.  Not long after that, as unemployment spread to rural areas, the meth epidemic exploded. 

Johann Hari says that 90% of drug users get high recreationally and responsibly.  They enjoy their buzz and then go back to living their lives.  Drug users only turn into drug abusers when their everyday lives are filled with trauma.  “The core of addiction,” he says, “doesn’t lie in what you swallow or inject – it’s in the pain that you feel in your head.  And yet we have built a system that thinks we will stop addicts by increasing their pain.”

Sadly, there’s a lot of trauma going around these days.  Cynical politicians and their media enablers work hard to convince us that we’re in a permanent crisis – and that there’s a sinister “other” to blame for it.  They keep people misinformed and frightened, and encourage them to blame their neighbors for the terrible state of affairs.  They market mindless consumerism as an antidote.  Shop ‘til you drop, and when you wake up again, there’ll be even newer stuff to buy. 

Ignorance, fear, and distraction.  There’s no better formula for dissolving the glue that holds society together and tempting people to find temporary relief in drugs or alcohol.

So what’s to be done?  The experts Johan Hari interviews say it all boils down to simple human connection, nothing more and nothing less.  The more connected you feel to your family, neighborhood, and society, the less likely you are to become dependent on drugs.

Before I read Chasing the Scream, I felt like I was doing my part simply by not being a drug user myself.  Now, though, it seems like that’s not enough.  For me, Chasing the Scream brings me back to the Parable of the Good Samaritan, which I wrote about in this space a few days ago. 

I need to get better at connecting with people.  Not drug users, particularly, but people who are in need of human connection for whatever reason.  My first job is to pay attention to them.  The 8th century Buddhist philosopher Shantideva said to start small when you’re doing good works, so the first steps should be easy – perhaps as simple as taking a little extra time to acknowledge people I usually ignore – clerks in the grocery store, neighbors on the street, people like that. 

Then I have to try to love them, and finally try to love them as I love myself.  It’s a simple enough formula – and it will be the hardest thing I’ll ever do.  If I ever do it. 

Fathers and Sons

Lawrence Wright's In the New World: Growing Up With America from the Sixties to the Eighties is about father-son relationships, so I thought I’d introduce today’s book review by saying something about mine.  Carl Gresham Mitchell was born in 1910 in a small town in eastern Oklahoma, hard by the Arkansas border. The first 35 years of his life were pretty hard.  His father died of tuberculosis about the time my father started school.  World War I and the Spanish Flu epidemic of 1918-1919 rounded out his teen years, and he had to leave high school early to help my grandmother operate the general store she’d opened in Pratt, Kansas.  After a few relatively placid years, the Great Depression started, and Kansas turned into the Dust Bowl.

My father moved to the big city, Wichita, Kansas, in the second half of the 1930s, where he found work at one of the aircraft factories that sprang up there –Beech Aircraft, which is now part of the Raytheon empire.  He was a shy man, but he made one good friend, a man named Dayton Cline.  And Dayton had a sister.  Golda Cline married my father in 1940, and things were looking up for a while.  But then came the “day that will live in infamy,” and World War II. 

My mother’s two youngest brothers, Dayton and Roy, enlisted in the Marines.  My father, who was 32, wanted to start a family, but as the song says, his number came up and he was caught in the draft.  Luckily for the as yet unborn me, my father’s skill at putting airplanes together landed him in the Army Air Force.  In due course he was sent to the Pacific Theater, but he was always in a secure area, one island away from the fighting.  He spent three years in the Pacific, out of harm’s way, keeping the planes flying.  New Zealand, Australia, New Guinea (the only place he ever talked about wanting to see again), and finally Okinawa, where he was on V-J Day.

Meanwhile, my future uncles were also ticketed for the South Pacific, where, as Marines, they were actively involved in combat operations.  My mother was a nurse, and she missed her husband and brothers.  She decided to enlist in the Women’s Army Corps, assuming she’d be sent to the Pacific Theater herself, where she’d be sure to run into her family members.

Alas, my mother’s hazy knowledge of geography was matched only by her naiveté about military priorities for nurses.  She was commissioned as a Second Lieutenant and shipped off to Europe, where she was separated not only from my father, but also from the rest of her family in Kansas.  Fortunately, my mother was a cheerful person, and mustered out of the army with mostly fond memories of her time in England, Denmark, and France.  Long story short, they both returned safely to Kansas and had me.  But I digress.  This essay was supposed to be about my father.

Carl G., as he called himself, went back to work at Beech Aircraft, and stayed for 30 more years until he retired at 65.  He worked hard at his blue collar job.  He went to church every Sunday and tithed 10% of his income, to the penny.  The poverty of his pre-war life left its mark on him, and he was loath to spend money.  He’d drive all the way across town to save a penny a gallon on gas, even in the days when gasoline often sold for less than twenty cents a gallon.

He was a good man by anyone’s calculation, sober, faithful, with no vices to speak of.  He was a smoker, as were most men and a lot of women of his generation, but he gave it up, cold turkey, on February 18, 1959.  He wrote that date down on an unfinished pack of cigarettes, which he kept in the freezer of our refrigerator for years.  He was really shy, and his social life consisted of spending Saturdays with his mother and sister, and Sunday’s with my mother’s larger family at her parent’s house.  He got along fine with my mom’s side of the family.

He had a kind of uncommon hobby - raising chickens in our basement and suburban back yard – but you could do that in Wichita in the 1950s.  It was a little odd, but not weird.  My father shunned eccentricity.  He wanted to blend in, so as not to have to interact too much with strangers. 

But avoiding eccentricity, too, was part and parcel of the times.  Having made it through nearly two decades of crisis, the only thing my father’s generation wanted was a little peace and quiet.  Go to work, come home, watch a few sitcoms and westerns on TV, and go to bed.  Keep doing that until you reach retirement age, which at that time was a mandatory 65.  If someone asked my father how he was doing, he’d say “Fine,” or “Can’t complain.”  Not complaining was important.  “Keep calm and carry on” was a British slogan, but it described my father’s attitude to a T.

Naturally, I turned out to be almost nothing like my father, at least superficially.  In my teens and twenties, we butted heads often.  Nothing awful happened, but we were baffled by each other.  He expected me to be like him – to enjoy working with my hands, to get a job on one of the local aircraft assembly lines as soon as I got out of high school, to save my money, find a good woman and settle down. 

I had other ideas.  I hated physical effort of any kind, be it shop class or gym class or mowing the lawn.  I wanted to read.  I liked school and wanted to stay there as long as possible.  I was increasingly suspicious of religion and authority.  The times they were a-changin’.

And that brings me to Lawrence Wright, and his 1987 book, In the New World:  Growing Up with America from the Sixties to the Eighties.  Wright is my age, though our early circumstances were pretty different.  He was a banker’s son, came of age in the epicenter of 60s ultra-conservatism, Dallas.  He went to college in decidedly non-conservative New Orleans, embarked upon a career in journalism, wrote best sellers, and won a Pulitzer Prize. 

Like me, he had his share of disagreements with his father.  In analyzing the friction between the two of them, Wright made a very astute observation.  It was obvious in retrospect, but it never registered with me until Wright spelled it out.

Let’s say you have two men.  “John Smith” grew up in a small town where horses outnumbered cars.  His father died young, and before he turned twenty, the economy crashed, and stayed crashed for over a decade.  He had to drop out of school to help his family make ends meet.  As a twenty-something, he felt lucky to have found a stable blue collar job.

“Bill Johnson,” on the other hand, was born decades later.  He grew up with both parents in the home.  He lived in a medium sized city, at a time when the national economy was booming, and white collar jobs were increasingly available to anyone with a college education.  He wanted to go to college, and when he got there, he liked it.  He stayed in college long enough to acquire a couple of master’s degrees, and didn’t get a “real” job until he was nearly 30.

As Wright noted, given their divergent backgrounds, no reasonable person would expect John Smith and Bill Johnson to live similar lives.  But change the names and make those two men father and son, and the whole dynamic shifts.   There’s an expectation of continuity.  Like father, like son.  Chip off the old block.  And if the sons have different ideas, feelings can get hurt.

Ironically, as we both came to realize as the years passed, my father and I had a lot in common.  I “inherited” his shyness, though not to the same degree.  And I also picked up one of this other quirks.  He was a stickler for punctuality.  If he wasn’t at least fifteen minutes early to wherever we were going, he felt like we were late.  We spent a lot of time sitting in the car waiting for a store to open, because we’d arrived way early.  I’m not quite that compulsive, but I appreciate punctuality and tend to define “on time” as “early.”

Try as he might, though, my father was never able to instill frugality in me.  John Lennon’s Aunt Mimi famously said, “A guitar’s all right, John, but you’ll never earn your living by it.”  She was wrong, but her advice wasn’t foolish, and her heart was in the right place.  Lennon was a classic example of a high risk-high reward lifestyle choice.  No responsible adult would encourage a child to forgo his education and bet his future on becoming the next Elvis. 

I didn’t become the next Elvis or John Lennon, but for a daydreamer who just wanted to read books, I did pretty well.  I wound up becoming a librarian, and I earned a good living in the bargain.  I’m glad my father lived long enough to see that happen, and to appreciate the path I chose.

I haven’t said a whole lot about Wright’s book, so let me remedy that briefly.  If you’re old enough to remember the Kennedy assassination (the first one), you’ll be fascinated by Wright’s account of growing up in Dallas in the early 60s.  Contemporary news accounts reported that when word of the assassination reached the Dallas high schools, the students cheered.  Wright acknowledges having been one of those kids, and explains the blinkered thinking that led him to celebrate, however briefly, the death of a president.  He also writes engagingly about walking away from his conservative upbringing once he was exposed to college life in the Big Easy.

Wright ends his book with an account of the attempted assassination of President Reagan in 1981 by Dallas resident John Hinckley Jr.  Hinckley turned out to be eerily similar to the right wing crazies operating in Dallas in 1963 – precisely the sort of person that everyone initially assumed had shot Kennedy, until it turned out to have been a left wing crazy instead.  A left wing crazy shot a Democrat president, and a right wing crazy shot a Republican president.  What a country we live in!

I'm not likely to get around to writing an autobiography, apart from a few stories I may tell on this blog, but Lawrence Wright's In the New World will give you a pretty good macro level view of my story.